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Old July 29th, 2014, 01:54 PM   #491

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Atavistic.

As in 'atavistic regression', which describes a transformation back towards a more primitive, ancestral behaviour. In the 16th century Scottish poem 'The Twa Corbies' (the two crows), there is a line which reads:

His hound is to the hunting gane

This describes the hunting dog reverting back to its wild instincts and running free, untamed by the civilised hand of his owner who has been killed. The full text is below, and is a treasure chest of uncommon archaic and dialect words:

As I was walking all alane,
I heard twa corbies makin a mane;
The tane unto the ither say,
"Whar sall we gang and dine the-day?"

"In ahint yon auld fail dyke,
I wot there lies a new slain knight;
And nane do ken that he lies there,
But his hawk, his hound an his lady fair."

"His hound is tae the huntin gane,
His hawk tae fetch the wild-fowl hame,
His lady's tain anither mate,
So we may mak oor dinner swate."

"Ye'll sit on his white hause-bane,
And I'll pike oot his bonny blue een;
Wi ae lock o his gowden hair
We'll theek oor nest whan it grows bare."

"Mony a one for him makes mane,
But nane sall ken whar he is gane;
Oer his white banes, whan they are bare,
The wind sall blaw for evermair."

Last edited by RoyalHill1987; July 29th, 2014 at 01:56 PM.
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Old July 30th, 2014, 09:46 AM   #492

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A fine contribution to this thread, RoyalHill1987. Thank you! I hope that you will continue to add posts here, whenever you like.
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Old August 3rd, 2014, 07:51 AM   #493

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From the previous page:

imprecation noun \ˌim-pri-ˈkā-shən\ (Latin imprecationem [nominative imprecatio], from past participle stem of imprecari "invoke, pray, call down upon," from assimilated form of in- "into, in, within" + precari "to pray, ask, beg, request")

1 : curse (the action of invoking evil, calamity, or divine vengeance upon another, or upon oneself) : malediction

2 : the act of imprecating

im·pre·ca·to·ry adjective

im·pre·ca·tor noun

im·pre·cate verb

* * *

Historical note from the novel The Tor Hill, regarding "les goddams," a name once applied to the English.

Quote:
The author has endeavoured to be as little offensive as possible in introducing the oaths and imprecations which were at this period [the Reformation] in such familiar usage. Indeed the revolting habit of swearing has been a distinguished characteristic of the English for many centuries, and the national adjuration which has given us a nickname upon the Continent, appears to have prevailed at an earlier period than is generally supposed. "The English," says Dr. Henry, "were remarkable in this period, (between 1399 and 1485) among the nations of Europe, for the absurd and impious practice of profane swearing in conversation. The Count of Luxemburg, accompanied by the Earls of Warwick and Stafford, visited the Maid of Orleans in her prison at Rouen, where she was chained to the floor and loaded with irons; the Count, who had sold her to the English, pretended that he had come to treat with her about her ransom. Viewing him with just resentment and disdain, she cried—'Begone! you have neither the power to ransom me.' Then turning her eyes towards the two Earls, she said—'I know that you English are determined to put me to death, and imagine that after I am dead you will conquer France. But though there were a hundred thousand G—Dam'mees more in France than there are, they will never conquer that kingdom.' So early had the English got this odious nickname, by their too frequent use of that horrid imprecation."

— Horace Smith, The Tor Hill, Volume II (1826)
Maybe I should reiterate that Horace Smith was himself English.

Bonus word:

adjuration noun \?a-j?-'ra-sh?n\ (Late Latin adjurationem [nominative adjuratio) "a swearing to," noun of action from past participle stem of adjurare "confirm by oath, add an oath, to swear to in addition")

1 : a solemn oath

2 : an earnest urging or advising

ad·jur·a·to·ry adjective

ad·jure verb


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Horace Smith

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

renascent adjective \ri-ˈna-sənt, -ˈnā-\ (Latin renascent-, renascens, present participle of renasci be born again)

: rising again into being or vigor

re·na·scence noun

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Old August 4th, 2014, 09:52 AM   #494

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From the previous page:

nescience noun \ˈne-sh(ē-)ən(t)s, ˈnē-, -sē-ən(t)s\ (Late Latin nescientia, from Latin nescient-, nesciens, present participle of nescire not to know, from ne- not + scire to know)

: lack of knowledge or awareness : ignorance

ne·scient adjective

* * *

Delving into historiography again, and attitudes toward history.

Quote:
The discipline of history in the nineteenth century was closely connected with the extension of the power of the European nation-state. In Germany, France, and England, as well as in the United States, the newly professionalized discipline of history tended to serve as an ideological support for the state: in the German-speaking lands, for the Prussian state and its extension (or, alternatively, for its competitors); for the secularly-based French republic, with its mission civilatrice, that emerged after France's defeat by Prussia in 1871; for England and its Empire in the same period; and for the national and then imperial pretensions of the United States as well. In each case there was a "master narrative" that was seen as running through the nation's history—the master narrative of the nation's movement from its early beginnings, through the rise of national self-consciousness, to its current struggle for recognition and success. Behind the master narratives, there lay a larger "grand narrative"—a secularized version of the Christian narrative of pristine origin, struggle, and ultimate salvation.

The relative solidarity of these master and grand narratives gave historical writing a particular shape and feel. Except for those historians who stood outside the disciplinary framework (one thinks especially of the Swiss cultural historian and art connoisseur Jacob Burckhardt), the focus was overwhelmingly on political history of a particular kind. The dominant story was the story of the increasing actualization of freedom. Sometimes the story was told in a liberal register, with emphasis placed on the increasing freedom of the individual to pursue his private interests and to have a voice in the running of the state; sometimes it was told in a conservative or authoritarian register, with emphasis placed on the cultural cultivation (Bildung) and on the freedom and power of the state itself. What is obvious today is that these variant master narratives, and the grand narrative that underpins them, are lacking in essential authority. Indeed, they have been lacking in essential authority from roughly the time that it began to dawn on people that the war of 1914 was turning into a vast slaughterhouse. To be sure, we cannot say that nobody believes in the old grand and master narratives any more. For example, I am often struck by the extent to which many Americans still believe in the great American narrative of the "city upon a hill" that stands as the "last best hope of mankind"—"the hope of the world," as President Nixon once put it. But for most people who think about such matters—and even for many people who do not—neither the old national master narratives nor the grand narrative of freedom and Bildung is persuasive any more. Instead there prevails what Jean-François Lyotard has called an "incredulity" toward such overarching narratives.

In the absence of belief in an authoritative narrative of human advance, one finds a number of attitudes toward the past circulating in contemporary American culture. Each of these attitudes is a way of denying or evading history. Prominent is an attitude of historical nescience, or unknowingness, which might be defined as simply the absence of any explicit, or even implicit, orientation toward history. One might think of historical unknowingness, in temporal terms, as amounting to the collapse of the horizon of history into the one moment of the present. Or, in cognitive terms, one might think of it as a great discarding, where all forms of knowledge of the past are either ignored or deliberately cast aside as irrelevant. To be sure, one needs to make distinction here between knowledge of the past and knowledge from the past—for knowledge from the past is not discarded at all, as long as it is seen as useful for action in the present. But knowledge from the past readily coexists with a complete ignorance as to the contexts within which knowledge taken from the past was previously situated.

Although it will perhaps sound condescending to reflect on historical unknowingness, I do not intend to be condescending but only factual and descriptive. The use of the term History in popular parlance in English to mean "dead and gone, irrelevant, passé"—as in the classic line from a "cool" 1980s television series, Miami Vice, "Drop that gun or you're history!"—is indicative of a wider mind-set. This mind-set is perhaps more distinctively American than non-American, and perhaps more prevalent in certain Americas than in others. One associates it with the America of the suburbs and housing developments; with the America that is addicted to television; with the resolutely optimistic America of "have a nice day, now" and of entrepreneurial get up and go. It is an old story, one of the true myths of America, the myth of pulling up one's stakes and moving westward into the wilderness that is to be conquered, leaving the old behind. And then leaving the old behind again, and again. The departures in question are not even necessarily geographical or even physical. They can be conceptual, technological, economic, political, scientific. What they have in common is a failure to think of historical experience at all, or, if there is thought of historical experience, a failure to attend to the contextual differences that separate past from present and that radically change the meaning of the historical particulars that are the most immediately visible aspect of the past.

Historical unknowingness is not specifically American or specifically new. Knowledge of history has surely always been, in the main, one of two things: a cultural luxury good having something of the status of an acquired taste (with some oversimplification, think Herodotus here), or else a would-be instrument for forwarding the interests and assisting in the work of actual or prospective rulers (think Thucydides and his intellectual heirs). People not in a position either to purchase such a luxury good or else to participate in the workings of power will have nescience and indifference toward history as their normal stance, at least in the absence of a grand narrative of progress or some functional equivalent to such a narrative. Grand narrative can give a justification to knowledge of the past by allowing historical particulars that otherwise would seem irrelevant to find their place in a broader story, and it can also serve as a support for the master narratives attached to particular ethnic, national, religious, and other groups. In the absence of a grand narrative able to give space and meaning to historical particulars, historical unknowingness becomes something like the normal human position.

— Allan Megill, Historical Knowledge, Historical Error: A Contemporary Guide to Practice (2007)

Click the image to open in full size.

Jacob Burckhardt

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

mellifluous adjective \me-ˈli-flə-wəs, mə-\ (Middle English mellyfluous, from Late Latin mellifluus, from Latin mell-, mel honey + fluere to flow; akin to Gothic milith honey, Greek melit-, meli)

1 : having a smooth rich flow

2 : filled with something (as honey) that sweetens

mel·lif·lu·ous·ly adverb

mel·lif·lu·ous·ness noun
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Old August 6th, 2014, 10:30 AM   #495

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Hong Kong in the early 1980s, and negotiations regarding the transition leading to its handover to China:

Quote:
The growing opulence of Hong Kong was reflected in its tumescent architecture, which glowed in the city's "neon orgasm." With incontinent speed towers of glass and concrete thrust themselves heavenwards, only to be superseded by yet more virile erections. Even the Hong Kong Club became upwardly mobile, sacrificing its Mughal palace to a high-rise monolith. That size did matter was illustrated by the Bank of China's steely, angular skyscraper, which was designed not only to direct emanations of bad feng shui towards Government House but to overshadow the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank. The British lions in front of the "Honkers and Shaggers" were reclining; the white stone lions flanking the Bank of China, modelled on those in the Forbidden City, were rampant.

No one could mistake the symbolism. China was on the ascendant. It could beat the capitalists at their own game. Hong Kong, if properly handled, would suit Chinese economic purposes just as well, if not better, under the control of Peking. Politically, the restoration of sovereignty was essential to the self-respect of the motherland. Arguing from analogy, Whitehall officials had long recognised this. If Chinese invaders had turned the Isle of Wight into a pagoda-covered "heaven on earth," they said, Britain would still "want it back." For China itself the recovery of Hong Kong was a "sacred mission." Nothing else could purge the unbearable hurt and shame that the nation had suffered at the hands of the barbarous imperialists. Nothing else could allay what pro-Chinese demonstrators in Hong Kong called "the agony of our ancestors." One experienced journalist even perceived a "thinly disguised desire on the part of the Chinese leaders to humiliate Britain in some way in order to wipe clean the sheet of the 19th century." It would surely be poetic justice for renascent China to impose on Britain, at ist last gasp as a colonial power, and unequal treaty.

This was hardly what Margaret Thatcher had in mind when she visited Peking in September 1982 to decide the future of Hong Kong. Buoyed up with the afflatus of victory over Argentinians, she was in no mood to be dictated to by "Chinamen"—a term she was eventually persuaded to drop. Indeed, she saw distinct similarities between the Falkland Islands and Hong Kong. Both were distant colonies threatened by neighbouring totalitarian states. Britain's claim to both was sound yet in both cases the Foreign Office canvassed "ideas for pre-emptive surrender." The Prime Minister bitterly attacked defeatism over Hong Kong. Against appeasing diplomats such as Sir Percy Cradock, the British ambassador in Peking, she conducted "a species of guerrilla warfare." She even hankered to hold Hong Kong by force, until convinced that China was not Argentina and that the island was "militarily indefensible." Without the New Territories, which comprised 92 per cent of the colony, it was also untenable. So the Iron Lady confronted Chinese leaders with this proposal: parliament would give up sovereignty over Hong Kong in return for a continuing British administration that would preserve its prosperity. "The Quite Honourable Margaret Thatcher," as the interpreter called her, was repelled by the evident cruelty of Deng Xiaoping. Deaf, squat and having the glazed look of a Chinese figurine, he smoked, hawked and made copious use of a white enamel spittoon. But she held her ground, even insisting on the validity of the Victorian treaties. Deng was so outraged that what he said could not be translated, his most printable remark being that he couldn't talk to this "stinking woman." Suffering from a head cold and having failed to budge Deng, the Prime Minister tripped on the steps as she left the Great Hall of the People and fell on her hands and knees. Unkind Chinese journalists said that at last she had decided to kowtow.

They were wrong. Although Mrs. Thatcher had insisted on secret covenants secretly arrived at, she herself resorted to megaphone diplomacy. At a press conference in Hong Kong she repeated her faith in the sanctity of the "unequal treaties," remarking pointedly that a country which would not stand by one treaty might not stand by another. Peking reacted fiercely, excoriating aggressive British imperialism. Fears of a clash sent the Hang Sen stock market index down by 25 per cent inside a week. Property prices tumbled and the Hong Kong dollar began a slide in value that only stopped when it was pegged to the American greenback in 1983. The Times's correspondent, David Bonavia, declared: "Seldom in British colonial history was so much damage done to the interests of so many people, in such a short space of time by a single person." But all Margaret Thatcher had really done was to make negotiations over the inevitable handover of Hong Kong more difficult and protracted. She continued to chafe, suggesting the creation of democratic structures in Hong Kong and the holding of a UN-supervised referendum with a view to granting the colony independence. Soon, though, as Sir Geoffrey Howe observed, logic overcame emotion. Despite further wobbles, she now "contended that a deal had to be sought because the Chinese would get everything they wanted anyway in 1997."

— Piers Brendon, The Decline and Fall of the British Empire, 1781-1997 (2007)
Bonus words:

afflatus noun \ə-ˈflā-təs, a-\ (Latin, act of blowing or breathing on, from afflare to blow on, from ad- + flare to blow)

: a divine imparting of knowledge or power : inspiration

* * *

tumescent adjective \tü-ˈmes-ənt\, tyü-\ (Latin tumescent-, tumescens, present participle of tumescere to swell up, inchoative of tumēre to swell)

: somewhat swollen

tu·mes·cence noun

tu·mes·ce verb


Click the image to open in full size.

Old Hong Kong Club Building circa 1905

Click the image to open in full size.

Bank of China Tower in Hong Kong

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

trumpery noun \ˈtrəm-p(ə-)rē\ (Middle English [Scots] trompery deceit, from Middle French, from tromper to deceive)

1 a : worthless nonsense

. b : trivial or useless articles : junk

2 archaic : tawdry finery

trum·pery adjective

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Old August 10th, 2014, 08:03 AM   #496

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A description of a couple of elements behind Ronald Reagan's successful challenge of Jimmy Carter, and the early days of Reagan's presidency.

Quote:
Notwithstanding the apparent gulf that separated Carter and Reagan during the 1980 campaign, the new president's priorities closely paralleled those pursued by his opponent since 1977: the restoration of the economy, national self-confidence, and America's standing in the world. But whereas Carter had sought to achieve those goals by offering a long list of "good" policies, by trying to embody the nobility of the national character, and by "speaking out" on human rights, Reagan relied on a simple, understandable, comprehensive, and unusually consistent political philosophy presented with the help of often dazzling rhetoric to mobilize support for his priorities. Far from disqualifying him from the presidency, his acting (and sports broadcasting) background provided a hugely valuable asset in communicating with the citizens of the "electronic commonwealth." In contrast to Carter, a plodding speaker with a singsong voice that "dropped like a wounded bird at the end of his phrases, frequently fading into total inaudibility," Reagan's mellifluous baritone, craggy good looks, and easy affability thrived behind the microphone and camera. Though his improvised remarks and press conference performances often revealed a shocking lack of substantive knowledge, the mere prospect of a nationally televised presidential address invariably sent tremors of fear through congressional Democrats. Reagan's uncanny ability to deliver lines sincerely, narrate poignant stories, and publicly evince an impressive range of emotions—all firmly hitched to an unwavering public philosophy—combined to make him a formidable rhetorical president.

In a fundamental sense Ronald Reagan continued the domestic political project begun by Richard Nixon. Before Watergate, Nixon had begun to build a new coalition—the "real majority"—from groups that shared a common resentment of New Class liberals, Great Society excesses, federal social engineering, and creeping permissiveness. Reagan mined this populist vein throughout the 1970s, but did so more systematically, programmatically and consistently than Nixon. By forging bonds among previously disconnected (or nonexistent) groups—the Moral Majority, working class "ethnics," neoconservative intellectuals, big and small businesses, "yuppies"—Reagan entered the presidency as the spearhead of a movement that seemed poised to replace the New Deal coalition as the dominant constellation in American politics. It was, to be sure, like its predecessor, a potentially unstable amalgam composed of people with partly clashing political, economic, and social agendas. Issues such as school prayer, abortion, and women's rights—immune to compromise—threatened to be especially disruptive. Yet in the short run, at least, this emerging coalition agreed with Reagan that "individual freedom is the touchstone of good government; government power, especially when it is centralized in Washington, is to be distrusted; free enterprise is the key to economic and personal liberty; the role of government is to assure equal opportunity, not to mandate particular results"; and it is the unique responsibility of the federal government to provide a strong national defense.

— Richard A. Melanson, American Foreign Policy Since the Vietnam War (Fourth Edition) (2005)

Click the image to open in full size.

Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

conurbation noun \ˌkä-(ˌ)nər-ˈbā-shən\ (com- + Latin urb-, urbs city)

: an aggregation or continuous network of urban communities
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Old August 13th, 2014, 11:28 AM   #497

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One of the original proponents of phrenology defends it against the negative judgment given by Dr. John Gordon, an anatomist writing in the Edinburgh Review.

Quote:
The profession of a critical reviewer is acknowledged to be very extensive; his infallibility is understood: hence, without any previous study, he can decide all questions on anatomy, physiology, pathology, philosophy, the arts, and, in short, on all the branches of knowledge; nay, he can crticise books without reading them. He is never at a loss, and arrogates at least the appearance of talents. If his own authority is not sufficient to impose on the public, a sacred band of literary oligarchs answer for his correctness, and, for that reason, he assumes the mighty we of sovereignty.

Every one will perceive, that our adversaries are very witty men. They deal extensively in the ridiculous; and when they have leisure to become serious, they speak of the motives and dangerous consequences of our inquiries; but their generous minds need not be apprehensive, since they declare our doctrines 'incredible and disgraceful nonsense, absurd theories, trash, and despicable trumpery.' If that is the case, while, as they admit, we make proselytes, they have, indeed, very little confidence in the discernment of their countrymen. Why do they not rather listen to our constant declaration, that one fact, well observed, is more decisive to us than a thousand opinions, and all the metaphysical reasoning of the schools; and that facts alone can expel such intruders as our doctrines?

— Johan Gaspar Spurzheim, Examinantion of the Objections Made in Britain Against the Doctrines of Gall and Spurzheim (1817)
As it turned out, science did indeed expel the doctrines of phrenology from any association with reputable practice, medical or otherwise. Gall and Spurzheim and their followers are now pretty much universally acknowledged as charlatans, though at the time Spurzheim's defense was published, phrenology still had a long run ahead of it. I'd say that it is an outstanding example of trumpery, though even to this day there are a few who believe in it.

Apparently it's fashionable among a certain set to have a model phrenology head on display, so much so that reproductions are being manufactured to meet the demand, one of which is shown below.

Bonus word:

arrogate verb \ˈer-ə-ˌgāt\ (Latin arrogatus, past participle of arrogare, from ad- + rogare to ask)

1 a : to claim or seize without justification

. b : to make undue claims to having : assume

2 : to claim on behalf of another : ascribe

ar·ro·ga·tion noun


Click the image to open in full size.

Model Phrenology Head

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

gormless adjective \ˈgȯrm-ləs\ (alteration of English dialect gaumless, from gaum attention, understanding [from Middle English gome, from Old Norse gaum, gaumr] + -less)

: lacking intelligence : stupid or foolish

gorm·less·ness noun
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Old August 15th, 2014, 06:57 AM   #498

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The historical layout of certain cities in China is described:

Quote:
Cities consisting of two or more separately walled components—though hardly commonplace in the nineteenth century—were found in all regions of the [Chinese] empire.

One distinctive type of multiple city was designed to achieve ethnic segregation and thereby facilitate control by the group wielding state power. The Manchus, in the wake of their conquest of China in the seventeenth century, were concerned to preserve the ethnic identity and military prowess of their troops stationed at key central places; to this end, they appropriated for exclusive Manchu residence entire sections within the walls of many cities and in a few instances built a partial wall to create an enclosed site for a Manchu quarter. Another approach was to construct a completely separate enclosure within a short distance of an existing Chinese city. Some 34 twin cities were created by the Manchus, most of them in North and Northwest China. A notable example is Ch'ing-chou-fu in Shantung, where the Manchu city was built less than a mile north of the existing prefectural capital. Other twin cities were created in the second half of the nineteenth century as Chinese control and settlement expanded in Northwest China and Sinkiang. In suppressing the Moslem rebellions that began in the 1860's, Chinese troops, Hunanese for the most part, were in several cases garrisoned alongside Uighur settlements, and these camps became the nuclei of new Chinese cities. By 1870, the city of Urumchi (Ti-hua) was composed of three separately walled components: the Chinese, the Manchu, and the original settlement, whose population was predominantly Turkic. Elsewhere in Sinkiang separate "Chinese cities" were established at Kashgar, Hami, and Khotan.

A second fairly common type of multiple city was the riverine conurbation with two (or in a few instances involving a confluence, with three) separately walled components on either side of a river or a canal. This type may be subcategorized by administrative status according to the number and location of yamens, if any. In most cases where only one of the components contained a yamen or yamens, the conurbation was considered a single city and called by a single name. This was true of Kuang-chou (the capital of an independent department in Honan), Yü-yao (a county capital in Shao-hsing fu, Chekiang), Jui-chu-fu (Kiangsi) and Ch'ung-jen (a county capital in Fu-chou prefecture, Kiangsi). In the case of one important riverine conurbation where both components were walled but only one was a capital, the traditional view was that they were separate cities: Hsiang-yang-fu and Fan-ch'eng on the Han River in Hupeh. In the few cases where each of two components supported a yamen, the riverine conurbation was percieved as two separate cities. A prominent example was Chungking, a prefectural capital at the confluence of the Chia-ling and the Yangtze rivers. Across from the great city, on the north bank of the Chia-ling, was the smaller walled city of Chiang-pei, capital of the t'ing (subprefecture) subordinate to Ch'ung-ch'ing prefecture.

— Sen-Dou Chang, "The Morphology of Walled Capitals" in The City in Late Imperial China, George William Skinner, editor (1977)
Bonus word:

yamen noun \'yä-m?n\ (Chinese [Beijing] yámen]

: the headquarters or residence of a Chinese government official or department


Click the image to open in full size.

Old Chinese Map of Chungking (Chongqing)


~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

coffle noun \ˈkȯ-fəl, ˈkä-\ (Arabic qafila caravan)

: a train of slaves or animals fastened together

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Old August 15th, 2014, 07:31 AM   #499

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'Copoclephilist': a collector of key rings. The word is only understood by collectors of key rings (and one doesn't come across those every day).

Last edited by Linschoten; August 15th, 2014 at 07:33 AM.
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Old August 18th, 2014, 10:21 AM   #500

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Quote:
Originally Posted by Linschoten View Post
'Copoclephilist': a collector of key rings. The word is only understood by collectors of key rings (and one doesn't come across those every day).
That's an intriguing one, Linschoten. It isn't recognised by the Oxford English Dictionary, though maybe it's in a supplement somewhere. I briefly tried to look into the etymology of "copoclephilist," and am a little puzzled. Maybe I'll see what the good folks at Wordorgins.org have to say, but my best effort produces "copa" from Latin, one meaning of which includes "sheaves," giving the sense of groups of things gathered together. That would produce "copaclephilist" though. The English words I found which included "copo," on the other hand, were derived from "κόπος," Greek for weariness (or toil). Still, since "clef" comes from Latin and "phil" is Greek in origin, it seems the the inventor of this word was happy to use hybrid etymology, and apparently not particularly fastidious in constructing the term.
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