The Lives of the Gordians - Part I
Posted July 31st, 2012 at 01:33 PM by Salah
In 235 CE, the last of Rome's Severan emperors was savagely murdered by a military officer named Maximinus Thrax. The son of a barbarian peasant and a Thracian provincial, Maximinus spent almost his entire reign on campaign against Germanic and Sarmatian tribes on the Danube. He bears the unique distinction of being the first Roman emperor to personally fight in battle, but he governed much like he fought - with simple-minded brutality.
By 238, the people of the Roman Empire were sick of Maximinus, this barbarian emperor who never even bothered to visit Rome herself, and who bled the people dry with his parasitic gangs of tax-farmers. No less than five different men, one a thirteen year-old boy, another an elderly scholar, were proclaimed emperor in his place with the blessing of the Senate. Three of these usurpers belonged to a family known modernly as the 'Gordians', but only one of them would live long enough to celebrate the demise of the barbarian emperor.
The Origin of the Gordians
The Gordians make their appearance in history suddenly, in 238 CE. Their departure, just six years later, was just as abrupt. But while the demise of the family is a well-recorded event in Roman history, next to nothing is known about their earliest origins. All that we do know is that, in 238 the patriarch of the family was Marcus Antonius Gordianus Sempronius Romanus, and he was just under eighty in age.
Gordian's name does contain several tantalizing clues about his family history. The praenomen and nomen 'Marcus Antonius' would indicate a descendant of a provincial, probably from the Greek East, who earned his citizenship under Marc Antony. 'Gordianus' was a rare cognomen, and seems to have implied a native of central or eastern Asia minor.
An inscription from Ancyra, a major city of the province of Galatia, probably dating to the first half of the 2nd Century CE, mentions a lady named Sempronia Romana, daughter of Sempronius Aquila. The temptation to assume that this lady was a relative, very possibly even mother, or an aunt or sister to the eldest Gordian, is almost overwhelming.
There is an intriguing theory that the Gordians were closely related to Herodes Attikos, the Athenian intellectual and politician who enjoyed political, social, and cultural influence in the middle decades of the 2nd Century. Flavius Philostratos, writing in the 230s CE, dedicated his Lives of the Sophists to a man of proconsular rank named Antonius Gordianus, and calls this man a descendant of Herodes. The most convincing interpretation of this fact is that Philostratos was writing for Gordian II, who may have been married to a grand-daughter of Herodes.
Speculation aside, the eldest Gordian’s early career is shrouded in mystery, but there is little to indicate that it was particularly distinctive. He was probably born in 159 CE, though some scholars place his birth a bit later in the early 160s. After service as the governor of Britannia inferior late in the reign of Antoninus Caracalla (211 – 217) he finally achieved a suffect consulship in the reign of Elagabalus (218 – 222). Why his career only began to take off in his old age, we do not know. The Historia Augusta, naturally, has a novel explanation. It claims that Gordian spent much of his youth writing an epic poem about the reigns of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, totaling thirty books. Gordian was also lazy and a deep sleeper, prone to falling asleep even while conducting business or having dinner with friends.
Africa
Gordian is known to have had two children, a son who was also named Marcus Antonius Gordianus Sempronius Romanus, and a daughter whose name is unknown – likely it was Antonia. The younger Gordian – known to history as Gordian II – was probably born in 192 CE, growing up in the tumultuous Empire of the Severans. His career is even more mysterious than that of his father. The Historia Augusta has him becoming a praetor under Elagabalus, and achieving a suffect consulship under Severus Alexander (222 – 235). If the son, rather than the father, is the dedicatee of Philostratos’ book, then Gordian may have also served as a legionary legate in Syria and governor of Achaea under the Severans.
Gordian II, we are told, was an extravagant and energetic personality, but much of his energy was spent on his harem of twenty-two courtesans. Like his father, the younger Gordian was an avid reader and writer, with a library supposedly containing sixty-two thousand books. He was said to have studied with the son of Serenus Sammonicus, who had been one of Rome’s greatest intellectuals until he was murdered by Caracalla. All of this information, however, comes from the Historia Augusta and thus historians vary widely in their opinions of how many kernels of truth it may contain.
The elder Gordian’s daughter – whom we can assume was named Antonia – married a senator in Rome, probably in the early 220s. The Historia Augusta names him Junius Balbus, but modern historians are fairly certain this name is bogus. Either way, in 225 she bore this mysterious senator a son, whose cognomen was that of his grandfather and uncle – Gordianus. What praenomen and nomen this youngest Gordian had at birth is unknown, and steals from us a vital clue at discerning his father’s identity.
All of the Gordians appear to have been living in Rome c. 236 – 237, when Maximinus, in absentia, appointed the eldest Gordian governor of the province of Africa. Gordian I was accompanied by his son who served as his lieutenant during his term – it seems the father focused on matters of law and governance while his son commanded the province’s garrison. Like previous governors of Africa, the Gordians took up their residence at Carthage. Carthage had once been Rome’s mightiest enemy in the western Mediterranean, now she was one of the largest and most prosperous cities of the Empire after Rome herself. The city was home to a population of half a million, Romans, Greeks, and natives who still spoke the Punic tongue of Hannibal. Like Rome itself, it was a cosmopolitan and fiercely tempestuous city, home to a spirited urban mob.
It may seem odd that the Emperor would give such an elderly man control over a province – Gordian I was just under eighty when he received this appointment. Africa was a peaceful province, however; it was largely shielded from Berber marauders by a series of fortifications across the desert, as well as the provinces of Numidia and Mauretania. We must also assume that Gordian II accompanied his father to aid him in light of his great age, but whether the son was also appointed or whether he voluntarily chose to accompany his father is unknown.
Revolt
Maximinus Thrax was an unpopular emperor. He ascended the throne in March of 235 after leading a mutiny against Severus Alexander, and proclaiming himself Emperor in place of the murdered young monarch. His origins – an officer of barbarian ancestry who had risen through the ranks of the legions – as well as his grotesque appearance and mannerisms did little to endear him to the ruling class of the Empire. The Senate and the people of Rome herself were deeply offended that he had not even made an effort to visit Rome upon his bloody ascension, but had immediately dedicated his reign to fighting the barbarians.
However, by the final months of 237 this brutish emperor had achieved a new level of unpopularity. His adventures along the Rhine and Danube were expensive, as were his generous bonuses to his hard-fighting troops. This resulted in increased taxation, targeting especially the wealthiest families and the elite of the Empire. Rome had now went for over two years without seeing an emperor, and the Senate’s loyalty to their absent lord was wearing thin. Maximinus’ authority was reinforced by his Praetorian prefect, one Vitalianus, who was ruling Italy from Rome in all but name. By rigorously enforcing his liege’s call for more tax revenue, Vitalianus had undoubtedly managed to personally enrich himself. Resentment in Rome boiled against him nearly as much as against Maximinus himself.
Maximinus’ tax collectors hit the African provinces particularly hard. Many of the richest families of the Empire lived in the province of Africa itself; in the previous Century Africa had given the Empire Septimius Severus as well as a number of prominent generals and lawyers.
This African aristocracy reacted violently to the confiscation of their goods and fortunes by Maximinus’ tax farmers. In a remarkably bold and impetuous gamble, several young noblemen armed their peasants and household slaves, and with this makeshift army they pursued the procurator Maximinus had placed in charge of tax collection in the province. They finally captured and killed him at Thysdrus, but were faced with an ugly dilemma – where to go from here? Raising a militia for their own purposes and murdering an Imperial officer had made them outlaws; their fate would inevitably conclude in their execution and the disgrace of their families.
Both of the Gordians were away from the provincial capital at the time. The rebellious nobles approached them and asked Gordian I to declare himself emperor, with the support of the entire province. As was customary for men who had the purple thrust upon them, Gordian made a show of reluctance, claiming in his propaganda that he was given no choice but to accept the position. In reality, the Gordians would have had no love for Maximinus – as rich landowners, they stood to benefit from his demise at least as much as any of the provincial nobles.
Emperors for a Month
It was on March 19th, 238 CE that Marcus Antonius Gordianus Sempronius Romanus the Elder formally announced his decision to usurp the throne from Maximinus, and took the titles Caesar Augustus and Pontifex Maximus. Gordian I conferred the titles of Caesar Augustus on his son, only withholding ‘Pontifex Maximus’ for himself.
Several days later, the two emperors entered Carthage in a grand parade, surrounded by legionaries, auxiliaries, and the tallest and best-looking sons of the nobility who had first induced their revolt. The raging Carthaginian throng roared in enthusiastic support as the Imperial retinue slowly made its way through the clogged streets to the governor’s palace, which would now serve as the residence of not one, but two emperors.
Though they were now emperors in name, the Gordians were in practice warlords who had taken control of one Roman province. Before they could even dream of making their claim official, they needed the support of the Senate – and no expense was spared in winning it. A delegation was immediately dispatched to the Senate in Rome, consisting of the most prominent and influential men in Carthage at the time; this expedition was headed by a bold young man named Publius Licinius Valerianus – who would later become an emperor himself.
These delegates met with the Senate and announced the Imperial claim of the Gordians, which appears to have been greeted with favor. They also passed out many letters, to clients and connections of the Gordians as well as to senators of African origin, doing everything possible to win both the political and the personal support of some of the most influential men of the Capital.
However, the representatives of the new emperors had another, darker purpose for traveling to Rome, and in fulfilling it they fatally undermined Maximinus’ authority in the Capital. Several of the delegates came to Vitalianus’ office, apparently claiming to be double-agents intent on providing him with intelligence on the African rebels. The prefect welcomed them into his presence – only for them to stab him to death. Vitalianus had been Maximinus’ last link with a City that hated him.
On April 2nd of 238, the Senate confirmed the legitimacy of the Gordian regime, and boldly declared Maximinus an outlaw and an enemy of the state. For good measure, Severus Alexander was declared a god and an edict was published in the name of the Gordians, promising bonuses to the field armies and restoration for all prominent men who had been exiled by Maximinus – this may have also included the Christians Maximinus is known to have persecuted. Twenty prominent senators were elected to rule Italy in the name of the Gordians, replacing the murdered Vitalianus – among them were Decimus Caelius Balbinus, and Marcus Clodius Pupienus Maximus.
The Senate then dispatched messengers to every provincial governor, informing them of these developments. Surviving milestones and other inscriptions would suggest that the provinces overwhelmingly preferred the new regime of the Gordians to Maximinus – only Numidia and the Spanish provinces remained loyal to Maximinus, while Dacia and Pannonia appear to have not learned of the Gordians until after their death.
The Battle of Carthage
Numidia, however, had remained violently loyal to Maximinus, under the governorship of one Capellianus. Capellianus was a senator and had apparently had a legal quarrel with one of the Gordians some years before. Acting perhaps less out of love for Maximinus and more out of hate for the Gordians, Capellianus mustered the garrison of his province and marched into Africa. He brought with him not only one legion and accompanying auxiliary forces, but also irregulars hired from the Numidian tribes – according to Herodian, the same kind of light skirmishing cavalry that had fought on both sides during the Punic Wars.
Africa, unlike Numidia, was not a military province. The Gordians may have managed to sap Maximinus’ strength and make their own name known throughout the Empire, but now it looked as though they would fail against a challenge in their own backyard. The younger Gordian mobilized a militia in Carthage, using the province’s meager garrison as a nucleus around which he built forces of urban and rural volunteers. These Carthaginian militiamen, coming from a city that had no military tradition, were enthusiastic, but poorly equipped with home-made weapons and armor. They were initially oblivious to the fact that Gordian was leading them into combat with proper Roman soldiers, men who had honed their skills fighting with Berber tribesmen.
Capellianus and Gordian II met outside of Carthage and fought a battle that unsurprisingly turned into a rout. Gordian apparently led his troops by example, fighting personally and going down amongst the swordstrokes of Capellianus’ legionaries. Three years before, when he had first usurped the throne, Maximinus had become the first Roman emperor to engage in direct combat, fighting with sword and shield alongside his men. In doing so, he set an example that no emperor after him could ignore. Gordian II obviously chose not to, but it did him little good – he was killed, and the panicking remnants of his army fled home to Carthage, all too quick to hide in the anonymity of the urban mob and wash away any association with the force that Capellianus had routed with insulting ease.
Our sources are not clear on whether Gordian I committed suicide before the battle – in anticipation of a clear defeat – or afterwards, when he learned of his son’s death. Either way, on the day of the battle the elderly Emperor hung himself from the ceiling with his own belt. It was a dismal and embarrassing end to the life of an elderly intellectual, but perhaps fitting for a usurper who had been endorsed by the Senate not on account of his worthiness, but simply because he wasn’t Maximinus.
The Battle of Carthage took place in the middle of April – possibly the twelfth of the month. Capellianus entered Carthage in triumph, parading the forces who had just beaten her sons and her Imperial nominees into submission. The governor of Numidia was not merciful in his victory – he allowed his soldiers to plunder the city and the surrounding countryside, and undoubtedly to hunt down and punish the most vocal supporters of the Gordians. Supposedly Capellianus allowed his soldiers these liberties as he sought to win the support of the African provinces when he made his own bid for the throne. Though his loyalties had remained with Maximinus, he recognized the implications of what had happened at Rome, and at Carthage, in the past three weeks.
By 238, the people of the Roman Empire were sick of Maximinus, this barbarian emperor who never even bothered to visit Rome herself, and who bled the people dry with his parasitic gangs of tax-farmers. No less than five different men, one a thirteen year-old boy, another an elderly scholar, were proclaimed emperor in his place with the blessing of the Senate. Three of these usurpers belonged to a family known modernly as the 'Gordians', but only one of them would live long enough to celebrate the demise of the barbarian emperor.
The Origin of the Gordians
The Gordians make their appearance in history suddenly, in 238 CE. Their departure, just six years later, was just as abrupt. But while the demise of the family is a well-recorded event in Roman history, next to nothing is known about their earliest origins. All that we do know is that, in 238 the patriarch of the family was Marcus Antonius Gordianus Sempronius Romanus, and he was just under eighty in age.
Gordian's name does contain several tantalizing clues about his family history. The praenomen and nomen 'Marcus Antonius' would indicate a descendant of a provincial, probably from the Greek East, who earned his citizenship under Marc Antony. 'Gordianus' was a rare cognomen, and seems to have implied a native of central or eastern Asia minor.
An inscription from Ancyra, a major city of the province of Galatia, probably dating to the first half of the 2nd Century CE, mentions a lady named Sempronia Romana, daughter of Sempronius Aquila. The temptation to assume that this lady was a relative, very possibly even mother, or an aunt or sister to the eldest Gordian, is almost overwhelming.
There is an intriguing theory that the Gordians were closely related to Herodes Attikos, the Athenian intellectual and politician who enjoyed political, social, and cultural influence in the middle decades of the 2nd Century. Flavius Philostratos, writing in the 230s CE, dedicated his Lives of the Sophists to a man of proconsular rank named Antonius Gordianus, and calls this man a descendant of Herodes. The most convincing interpretation of this fact is that Philostratos was writing for Gordian II, who may have been married to a grand-daughter of Herodes.
Speculation aside, the eldest Gordian’s early career is shrouded in mystery, but there is little to indicate that it was particularly distinctive. He was probably born in 159 CE, though some scholars place his birth a bit later in the early 160s. After service as the governor of Britannia inferior late in the reign of Antoninus Caracalla (211 – 217) he finally achieved a suffect consulship in the reign of Elagabalus (218 – 222). Why his career only began to take off in his old age, we do not know. The Historia Augusta, naturally, has a novel explanation. It claims that Gordian spent much of his youth writing an epic poem about the reigns of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, totaling thirty books. Gordian was also lazy and a deep sleeper, prone to falling asleep even while conducting business or having dinner with friends.
Africa
Gordian is known to have had two children, a son who was also named Marcus Antonius Gordianus Sempronius Romanus, and a daughter whose name is unknown – likely it was Antonia. The younger Gordian – known to history as Gordian II – was probably born in 192 CE, growing up in the tumultuous Empire of the Severans. His career is even more mysterious than that of his father. The Historia Augusta has him becoming a praetor under Elagabalus, and achieving a suffect consulship under Severus Alexander (222 – 235). If the son, rather than the father, is the dedicatee of Philostratos’ book, then Gordian may have also served as a legionary legate in Syria and governor of Achaea under the Severans.
Gordian II, we are told, was an extravagant and energetic personality, but much of his energy was spent on his harem of twenty-two courtesans. Like his father, the younger Gordian was an avid reader and writer, with a library supposedly containing sixty-two thousand books. He was said to have studied with the son of Serenus Sammonicus, who had been one of Rome’s greatest intellectuals until he was murdered by Caracalla. All of this information, however, comes from the Historia Augusta and thus historians vary widely in their opinions of how many kernels of truth it may contain.
The elder Gordian’s daughter – whom we can assume was named Antonia – married a senator in Rome, probably in the early 220s. The Historia Augusta names him Junius Balbus, but modern historians are fairly certain this name is bogus. Either way, in 225 she bore this mysterious senator a son, whose cognomen was that of his grandfather and uncle – Gordianus. What praenomen and nomen this youngest Gordian had at birth is unknown, and steals from us a vital clue at discerning his father’s identity.
All of the Gordians appear to have been living in Rome c. 236 – 237, when Maximinus, in absentia, appointed the eldest Gordian governor of the province of Africa. Gordian I was accompanied by his son who served as his lieutenant during his term – it seems the father focused on matters of law and governance while his son commanded the province’s garrison. Like previous governors of Africa, the Gordians took up their residence at Carthage. Carthage had once been Rome’s mightiest enemy in the western Mediterranean, now she was one of the largest and most prosperous cities of the Empire after Rome herself. The city was home to a population of half a million, Romans, Greeks, and natives who still spoke the Punic tongue of Hannibal. Like Rome itself, it was a cosmopolitan and fiercely tempestuous city, home to a spirited urban mob.
It may seem odd that the Emperor would give such an elderly man control over a province – Gordian I was just under eighty when he received this appointment. Africa was a peaceful province, however; it was largely shielded from Berber marauders by a series of fortifications across the desert, as well as the provinces of Numidia and Mauretania. We must also assume that Gordian II accompanied his father to aid him in light of his great age, but whether the son was also appointed or whether he voluntarily chose to accompany his father is unknown.
Revolt
Maximinus Thrax was an unpopular emperor. He ascended the throne in March of 235 after leading a mutiny against Severus Alexander, and proclaiming himself Emperor in place of the murdered young monarch. His origins – an officer of barbarian ancestry who had risen through the ranks of the legions – as well as his grotesque appearance and mannerisms did little to endear him to the ruling class of the Empire. The Senate and the people of Rome herself were deeply offended that he had not even made an effort to visit Rome upon his bloody ascension, but had immediately dedicated his reign to fighting the barbarians.
However, by the final months of 237 this brutish emperor had achieved a new level of unpopularity. His adventures along the Rhine and Danube were expensive, as were his generous bonuses to his hard-fighting troops. This resulted in increased taxation, targeting especially the wealthiest families and the elite of the Empire. Rome had now went for over two years without seeing an emperor, and the Senate’s loyalty to their absent lord was wearing thin. Maximinus’ authority was reinforced by his Praetorian prefect, one Vitalianus, who was ruling Italy from Rome in all but name. By rigorously enforcing his liege’s call for more tax revenue, Vitalianus had undoubtedly managed to personally enrich himself. Resentment in Rome boiled against him nearly as much as against Maximinus himself.
Maximinus’ tax collectors hit the African provinces particularly hard. Many of the richest families of the Empire lived in the province of Africa itself; in the previous Century Africa had given the Empire Septimius Severus as well as a number of prominent generals and lawyers.
This African aristocracy reacted violently to the confiscation of their goods and fortunes by Maximinus’ tax farmers. In a remarkably bold and impetuous gamble, several young noblemen armed their peasants and household slaves, and with this makeshift army they pursued the procurator Maximinus had placed in charge of tax collection in the province. They finally captured and killed him at Thysdrus, but were faced with an ugly dilemma – where to go from here? Raising a militia for their own purposes and murdering an Imperial officer had made them outlaws; their fate would inevitably conclude in their execution and the disgrace of their families.
Both of the Gordians were away from the provincial capital at the time. The rebellious nobles approached them and asked Gordian I to declare himself emperor, with the support of the entire province. As was customary for men who had the purple thrust upon them, Gordian made a show of reluctance, claiming in his propaganda that he was given no choice but to accept the position. In reality, the Gordians would have had no love for Maximinus – as rich landowners, they stood to benefit from his demise at least as much as any of the provincial nobles.
Emperors for a Month
It was on March 19th, 238 CE that Marcus Antonius Gordianus Sempronius Romanus the Elder formally announced his decision to usurp the throne from Maximinus, and took the titles Caesar Augustus and Pontifex Maximus. Gordian I conferred the titles of Caesar Augustus on his son, only withholding ‘Pontifex Maximus’ for himself.
Several days later, the two emperors entered Carthage in a grand parade, surrounded by legionaries, auxiliaries, and the tallest and best-looking sons of the nobility who had first induced their revolt. The raging Carthaginian throng roared in enthusiastic support as the Imperial retinue slowly made its way through the clogged streets to the governor’s palace, which would now serve as the residence of not one, but two emperors.
Though they were now emperors in name, the Gordians were in practice warlords who had taken control of one Roman province. Before they could even dream of making their claim official, they needed the support of the Senate – and no expense was spared in winning it. A delegation was immediately dispatched to the Senate in Rome, consisting of the most prominent and influential men in Carthage at the time; this expedition was headed by a bold young man named Publius Licinius Valerianus – who would later become an emperor himself.
These delegates met with the Senate and announced the Imperial claim of the Gordians, which appears to have been greeted with favor. They also passed out many letters, to clients and connections of the Gordians as well as to senators of African origin, doing everything possible to win both the political and the personal support of some of the most influential men of the Capital.
However, the representatives of the new emperors had another, darker purpose for traveling to Rome, and in fulfilling it they fatally undermined Maximinus’ authority in the Capital. Several of the delegates came to Vitalianus’ office, apparently claiming to be double-agents intent on providing him with intelligence on the African rebels. The prefect welcomed them into his presence – only for them to stab him to death. Vitalianus had been Maximinus’ last link with a City that hated him.
On April 2nd of 238, the Senate confirmed the legitimacy of the Gordian regime, and boldly declared Maximinus an outlaw and an enemy of the state. For good measure, Severus Alexander was declared a god and an edict was published in the name of the Gordians, promising bonuses to the field armies and restoration for all prominent men who had been exiled by Maximinus – this may have also included the Christians Maximinus is known to have persecuted. Twenty prominent senators were elected to rule Italy in the name of the Gordians, replacing the murdered Vitalianus – among them were Decimus Caelius Balbinus, and Marcus Clodius Pupienus Maximus.
The Senate then dispatched messengers to every provincial governor, informing them of these developments. Surviving milestones and other inscriptions would suggest that the provinces overwhelmingly preferred the new regime of the Gordians to Maximinus – only Numidia and the Spanish provinces remained loyal to Maximinus, while Dacia and Pannonia appear to have not learned of the Gordians until after their death.
The Battle of Carthage
Numidia, however, had remained violently loyal to Maximinus, under the governorship of one Capellianus. Capellianus was a senator and had apparently had a legal quarrel with one of the Gordians some years before. Acting perhaps less out of love for Maximinus and more out of hate for the Gordians, Capellianus mustered the garrison of his province and marched into Africa. He brought with him not only one legion and accompanying auxiliary forces, but also irregulars hired from the Numidian tribes – according to Herodian, the same kind of light skirmishing cavalry that had fought on both sides during the Punic Wars.
Africa, unlike Numidia, was not a military province. The Gordians may have managed to sap Maximinus’ strength and make their own name known throughout the Empire, but now it looked as though they would fail against a challenge in their own backyard. The younger Gordian mobilized a militia in Carthage, using the province’s meager garrison as a nucleus around which he built forces of urban and rural volunteers. These Carthaginian militiamen, coming from a city that had no military tradition, were enthusiastic, but poorly equipped with home-made weapons and armor. They were initially oblivious to the fact that Gordian was leading them into combat with proper Roman soldiers, men who had honed their skills fighting with Berber tribesmen.
Capellianus and Gordian II met outside of Carthage and fought a battle that unsurprisingly turned into a rout. Gordian apparently led his troops by example, fighting personally and going down amongst the swordstrokes of Capellianus’ legionaries. Three years before, when he had first usurped the throne, Maximinus had become the first Roman emperor to engage in direct combat, fighting with sword and shield alongside his men. In doing so, he set an example that no emperor after him could ignore. Gordian II obviously chose not to, but it did him little good – he was killed, and the panicking remnants of his army fled home to Carthage, all too quick to hide in the anonymity of the urban mob and wash away any association with the force that Capellianus had routed with insulting ease.
Our sources are not clear on whether Gordian I committed suicide before the battle – in anticipation of a clear defeat – or afterwards, when he learned of his son’s death. Either way, on the day of the battle the elderly Emperor hung himself from the ceiling with his own belt. It was a dismal and embarrassing end to the life of an elderly intellectual, but perhaps fitting for a usurper who had been endorsed by the Senate not on account of his worthiness, but simply because he wasn’t Maximinus.
The Battle of Carthage took place in the middle of April – possibly the twelfth of the month. Capellianus entered Carthage in triumph, parading the forces who had just beaten her sons and her Imperial nominees into submission. The governor of Numidia was not merciful in his victory – he allowed his soldiers to plunder the city and the surrounding countryside, and undoubtedly to hunt down and punish the most vocal supporters of the Gordians. Supposedly Capellianus allowed his soldiers these liberties as he sought to win the support of the African provinces when he made his own bid for the throne. Though his loyalties had remained with Maximinus, he recognized the implications of what had happened at Rome, and at Carthage, in the past three weeks.
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