But in principle, discussion of politics and gender politics should not be held in school and in principle teaching should be apolitical (regardless of the personal opinions of individual teachers who are of course free to have whatever political ideas they like as long as they dont try to indoctrinate children)
Discussion of the topic "gender" is somewhere between existing and encouraged, in a way of teaching tolerance and recognition of homossexuals, transsexuals etc. It varies between public and private spheres, as it would be less likely, as you would expect, to see this topic with the same emphasis in a catholic school and a progessive private one, while in publics it's more on a teacher to teacher basis I think. The flak against this discussion in schools (and everywhere, really) is coming from conservatives, notably evangelicals, by calling it "gender ideology" in the first place, demeaning its use as scientific discussion, and then vilifying the teachers that touch it as "ideologues".
I'm aware that "indoctrination" exists, but it's really a problem veeery down on the list of problems overall faced in the brazilian educational system, and really doesn't have the scale promoted by its critics. Actually, everyone worried about our education's quality is a critic of indoctrination, the difference is the emphasis and its centrality as a problem. Up until now, it was treated inside the institutions. A good director would manage this between fathers and teachers. Now what we are seeing is surveillance by teenagers of teachers inside classrooms, during classes, for outsiders (cops or members of Bolsonaro's crew when they pass the law?). What this been doing is raising a climate of denunciation.
How do you think a democratic system can tackle the problem of partisan teachers? I think this is an exportable program only to China.
It's a perspective of crime as if dealing with pests and using pest control. Extermination(?). Everything between the pest and its extermination is an obstacle, like a chair and a table in your house. Criminals are, then, unalleged for a legal process and human rights. I believe this is one of the perspectives behind Bolsonaro's defense of cops' and citizens' vigilante groups and Rio's militias and the overall militarization of law enforcement (a military task force is managing Rio's law enforcement as of today, for example, with little to no results), also his praise for torture and similar means of dealing with suspects.
So, basically, he promises little to no oversights on extrajudicial killings and criminal law as revenge. Also, open gun laws (not clear in which statute this will operate, as far as I know) as a mean to reduce violence. That's why I said before I'm curious about how our democratic institutions are going to behave, and if he'll find a middle ground between them and his discourse. His recent indication of federal judge Moro (responsible for the first degree condemnation of Lula and with a controversial record in this case) as Justice Minister may signal this, who knows.