Spanish Knights

Joined Nov 2020
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Hello,

I have a quick question, which I understand may not call for a quick answer. This is fine as I have a whole lot of research to do.


It's actually a manifold question...I guess:

When would be a good time to place a Spanish knight in Africa? Preferably West Africa?

Would this ever have occurred?

Thanks in advance!
 
Joined Aug 2014
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Spanish presence in Africa during that time was limited to mainly the area around Morocco and nearby islands. The Portuguese had a bigger presence in West Africa than Spain. You don't see much Spanish activity in West Africa until the 19th century.
 
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Joined Nov 2020
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Spanish presence in Africa during that time was limited to mainly the area around Morocco and nearby islands. The Portuguese had a bigger presence in West Africa than Spain. You don't see much Spanish activity in West Africa until the 19th century.


Hmmm, thank you.


Is it possible that a Spanish convoy (with a knight or two) could've hitched a boat ride with the Portuguese, and maybe had a stop in West Africa?
 
Joined Nov 2020
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Hmmm, thank you.


Is it possible that a Spanish convoy (with a knight or two) could've hitched a boat ride with the Portuguese, and maybe had a stop in West Africa?


Or, what about the reverse. Would African royalty have had opportunity to travel to Medieval Spain?
 
Joined Nov 2010
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I think you are getting timeframes mixed up. 'Medieval' sort of ends in 1492-ish in 'Spain' - although Spain wasn't formally united by then. I'm not a huge fan of the word 'knight' but Castillian and Aragonese/Calatan soldiers of fortune served both the Almoravids and the Almohads in North Africa. (12th/13th centuries).

I wouldn't have put a 'Spanish Knight' in West Africa at all, but when you remember the Almoravid Empire stretched from Northern Spain to beyond Gao and Timbuctu, nothing is impossible. Your Spanish Knight may well have been muslim though :)
 
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Joined May 2016
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When would be a good time to place a Spanish knight in Africa? Preferably West Africa?

Would this ever have occurred?

Is it possible that a Spanish convoy (with a knight or two) could've hitched a boat ride with the Portuguese, and maybe had a stop in West Africa?

Or, what about the reverse. Would African royalty have had opportunity to travel to Medieval Spain?

We already have here some good posts and advices, particularly Dan’s comment “If you want to make something up for a story then just make it up.”

Anyway I have some comments to add.

Spain in the Medieval Period, since it seems that we are talking about that period, means the all Iberian Peninsula, not what we know today as Spain.

Again depending on the period, we can say that there were three major Christian kingdoms, Portugal, Castile and Aragon. So, a Spanish knight from what kingdom?

The major Iberian enterprise in Africa begun in 1415, with the Portuguese Conquest of Ceuta, so we are talking here about later Medieval Period. After that the Portuguese begun to explore the West Coast of Africa, a Castilian or an Aragonese couldn’t “hitched a boat” unless they were working for the Portuguese and had problems at home. The crowns were rivals.

The only Castilian enclave in West Africa was “Santa Cruz de Mar Pequeña”: Santa Cruz de la Mar Pequeña - Wikipedia

As for African royalty traveling to “Spain” (here with the meaning of Iberian Peninsula), yes it could happen, Kongolese travelled to Portugal in the late 15th and in the 16th centuries to study there.
 
Joined Feb 2010
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Oh there were lot of Iberian Christian knights fighting for Moroccan sultans in the 13th-14th-15th-16th centuries, they were usually adventurers or mercenaries. They even formed the Bodyguards of several sultans through these centuries.

Also they are probably different from the "Caballeros Farfanes", Christian warriors in Morocco of uncertain origin.
 
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Joined Jul 2012
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Benin City, Nigeria
I wouldn't have put a 'Spanish Knight' in West Africa at all, but when you remember the Almoravid Empire stretched from Northern Spain to beyond Gao and Timbuctu, nothing is impossible. Your Spanish Knight may well have been muslim though

How did the Almoravid empire go "beyond Gao and Timbuktu" in Africa? What does that mean exactly and where do you think the southern boundary of the Almoravid empire was? We literally have a work from the early 12th century, titled "The Berbers' Causes for Pride" which states that the southern boundary of the Almoravid empire bordered the kingdom of "Ghana, in the land of the Sudan", while the northern boundary of the Almoravid empire, in Europe, bordered the lands of the "Franks". Where does this strange notion of Almoravid territory extending beyond the desert in west Africa actually come from (besides fabricators/manipulators of texts like Ibn Abi Zar, and those who were influenced by his fabrications, such as Ibn Khaldun)? Is there any actual source for this idea?
 
Joined Jul 2012
3,249 Posts | 1,783+
Benin City, Nigeria
Hello,

I have a quick question, which I understand may not call for a quick answer. This is fine as I have a whole lot of research to do.


It's actually a manifold question...I guess:

When would be a good time to place a Spanish knight in Africa? Preferably West Africa?

Would this ever have occurred?

Thanks in advance!

If your knight doesn't necessarily have to be Spanish, but instead can just be western European, the story of Anselm d'Ysalguier, a French knight from Toulouse who apparently went to Gao in west Africa in the early 1400s may be something you can use as an inspiration.

As for Spanish soldiers specifically in Africa, there were some Spanish soldiers in Angola in the late 16fh century to 17th century, when the Spanish and Portuguese kingdoms were united in the Iberian Union, but Angola is really more like western central Africa, rather than west Africa proper, and I am not sure that late 16th or early 17th century Spanish soldiers would be "knights" since is in the early modern era while knights are usually considered to belong to Middle Ages.

""Between 1580 and 1640, the Portuguese crown joined Castile and Aragon under the Iberian Union. Philip of Spain, the Iberian king, sent out three batches of reinforcements for the conquest of Angola. In 1584, Joao Castanho Velez left for Angola with 2,000 soldiers, treasury officials, and experts on mining. Two years later, Jacome da Cunha sailed with 90 soldiers. In 1587, a mercenary force was dispatched with 350 soldiers, including Castilians, Flemings, and even Germans. Most of these troops died of fevers before seeing any action." - Encyclopedia of African Colonial Conflicts, Volume 1, p. 56

Link

John Thornton, in his article "The Art of War in Angola, 1575 - 1680" also mentions (p. 373 of the article) that there were Spanish soldiers fighting alongside the Portuguese in Angola during the time of the Iberian Union.
 
Joined Jul 2012
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Benin City, Nigeria
Or, what about the reverse. Would African royalty have had opportunity to travel to Medieval Spain?

The geographer al-Zuhri, in his Kitab al-Jughrafiya (Book of Geography) from circa 1137 AD, states that some of the "chief leaders" from the empire of Ghana, in west Africa, had visited al-Andalus, but he does not say what kind of leaders these were and whether royalty was included among those leaders. Presumably they would all have been at least noblemen though.
 
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Joined May 2016
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If your knight doesn't necessarily have to be Spanish, but instead can just be western European, the story of Anselm d'Ysalguier, a French knight from Toulouse who apparently went to Gao in west Africa in the early 1400s may be something you can use as an inspiration.

As for Spanish soldiers specifically in Africa, there were some Spanish soldiers in Angola in the late 16fh century to 17th century, when the Spanish and Portuguese kingdoms were united in the Iberian Union, but Angola is really more like western central Africa, rather than west Africa proper, and I am not sure that late 16th or early 17th century Spanish soldiers would be "knights" since is in the early modern era while knights are usually considered to belong to Middle Ages.

""Between 1580 and 1640, the Portuguese crown joined Castile and Aragon under the Iberian Union. Philip of Spain, the Iberian king, sent out three batches of reinforcements for the conquest of Angola. In 1584, Joao Castanho Velez left for Angola with 2,000 soldiers, treasury officials, and experts on mining. Two years later, Jacome da Cunha sailed with 90 soldiers. In 1587, a mercenary force was dispatched with 350 soldiers, including Castilians, Flemings, and even Germans. Most of these troops died of fevers before seeing any action." - Encyclopedia of African Colonial Conflicts, Volume 1, p. 56

Link

John Thornton, in his article "The Art of War in Angola, 1575 - 1680" also mentions (p. 373 of the article) that there were Spanish soldiers fighting alongside the Portuguese in Angola during the time of the Iberian Union.

You don't need to wait for the Iberian Union to have Castilians fighting for the Portuguese, there were cases during the Middle Ages.
 
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Joined Jul 2012
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You don't need to wait for the Iberian Union to have Castilians fighting for the Portuguese, there were cases during the Middle Ages.

Sure, I don't doubt that at all. I was trying to find examples outside of North Africa since other posters in the thread had already explained that there were in fact Spanish soldiers in North Africa (and North Africans in Spain) during the medieval period, when there were still knights in Europe.

There were also many Spanish soldiers in the Moroccan invasion force that captured Gao and Timbuktu in west Africa in the late 16th century but those soldiers were arquebusiers rather than soldiers using "cold weapons", and in any case that is also outside the time frame of medieval knights.
 
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How did the Almoravid empire go "beyond Gao and Timbuktu" in Africa? What does that mean exactly and where do you think the southern boundary of the Almoravid empire was? We literally have a work from the early 12th century, titled "The Berbers' Causes for Pride" which states that the southern boundary of the Almoravid empire bordered the kingdom of "Ghana, in the land of the Sudan", while the northern boundary of the Almoravid empire, in Europe, bordered the lands of the "Franks". Where does this strange notion of Almoravid territory extending beyond the desert in west Africa actually come from (besides fabricators/manipulators of texts like Ibn Abi Zar, and those who were influenced by his fabrications, such as Ibn Khaldun)? Is there any actual source for this idea?

About this, I took a look to a recent work (2016), “The Almoravid and Almohad Empires”, by Amira K. Bennison, pp.37-38:

"The Arabic narrative, such as it is, posits that Abu Bakr b. ‘Umar returned to the Almoravids’ southern base or capital at Azuggi in modern Mauritania with a handful of Maliki jurists, including Abu Bakr Muhammad al-Muradi from Qayrawan, (45) to orchestrate the Almoravid advance south against the Soninke kingdom of Ghana, which was successfully conquered around 1076–7 and subsequently collapsed. Abu Bakr, aided by his sons, continued raiding against the non-Muslims of the desert and Sahel and was killed by an arrow c. 1087. (46)

The subsequent history of the Almoravids in the south is almost a complete void and even the ‘conquest’ of Ghana raises questions that may never be fully answered. In a famous article titled ‘The conquest that never was’, Conrad and Fisher reviewed and rejected the evidence for a northern ‘white’ Almoravid conquest of ancient Ghana in the form of an offensive against the sedentary ‘black’ inhabitants of the Sahel, in favour of a more collaborative venture between the ‘white’ Almoravids and the ‘black’ inhabitants of Ghana who became Muslim around the same time, with the latter rather than the former as the dominant partner. (47) However, the counter-argument is that authors writing in Arabic were unfamiliar with the Sahel and not interested in it and, therefore, sparse or contradictory textual evidence does not mean that a conquest did not take place or that the Saharan Almoravid empire did not exist. Moreover, the basic idea of a dichotomy between ‘white’ Almoravids and ‘black’ Sahelian Africans is very problematic given the high levels of marriage, concubinage and cooperation between the Sanhaja Berber tribes and the non-tribal peoples of the Sahel. (48) Yusuf b. Tashfin, for instance, is often described as having ‘black’ features. (49) The most recent summation of the debate traces the European imperial lineage of a conquest thesis based on the ‘white’ domination of ‘black’ peoples and reiterates the lack of hard evidence for an Almoravid conquest of Ghana. (50)

The nature of the Almoravid encounter with Ghana – conquest or partnership – and the ethnic and religious origins of those involved is impossible to determine in the absence of new sources. However, the Almoravids clearly achieved control of the salt trade and the gold flow north, their primary economic objective, and Islam did take root among the population of Ghana, their religious objective. Abu Bakr maintained Almoravid control of the Sahara at least in the vicinity of Azuggi, and the expansion of the Sanhaja eastwards appears to have been led by the Almoravid Masufa, a group with strong marriage and maternal connections to the Lamtuna, who migrated into the vast zone between Sijilmasa and Waraqlan, led quite possibly by Abu Bakr’s son, Yahya, known as al-Masufi due to his maternal lineage. (51) Cultural ties also existed between the Sahel and the Almoravid north. For instance, archaeological evidence from Gao-Sane, conquered or converted seven years after Ghana according to al-Zuhri, in the form of luxurious tomb stelae made of carved marble from an atelier in Almeria, show that these kings were certainly influenced by the Almoravids, if not adherents of the Almoravid movement or Berbers themselves.(52)

Footnotes:
45 Lagardere, Le djihad andalou, pp. 165–6.
46 Bosch Vila, Los Almoravides, pp. 99–102.
47 Conrad and Fisher, ‘The conquest that never was’.
48 Burkhalter, ‘Listening for silences in Almoravid history’.
49 Lagardere, Almoravides I, pp. 79–80; Messier, Almoravids, p. 55.
50 Masonen and Fisher, ‘The Almoravid conquest of Ghana’.
51 Burkhalter, ‘Listening for silences in Almoravid history’, pp. 108–9.
52 See de Moraes Farias, Arabic Medieval Inscriptions from the Republic of Mali; Hunwick, ‘Gao and the Almoravids’; Lange, ‘Les rois de Gao-Sane et les Almoravides’.
 
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About this, I took a look to a recent work (2016), “The Almoravid and Almohad Empires”, by Amira K. Bennison, pp.37-38:

"The Arabic narrative, such as it is, posits that Abu Bakr b. ‘Umar returned to the Almoravids’ southern base or capital at Azuggi in modern Mauritania with a handful of Maliki jurists, including Abu Bakr Muhammad al-Muradi from Qayrawan, (45) to orchestrate the Almoravid advance south against the Soninke kingdom of Ghana, which was successfully conquered around 1076–7 and subsequently collapsed. Abu Bakr, aided by his sons, continued raiding against the non-Muslims of the desert and Sahel and was killed by an arrow c. 1087. (46)

The subsequent history of the Almoravids in the south is almost a complete void and even the ‘conquest’ of Ghana raises questions that may never be fully answered. In a famous article titled ‘The conquest that never was’, Conrad and Fisher reviewed and rejected the evidence for a northern ‘white’ Almoravid conquest of ancient Ghana in the form of an offensive against the sedentary ‘black’ inhabitants of the Sahel, in favour of a more collaborative venture between the ‘white’ Almoravids and the ‘black’ inhabitants of Ghana who became Muslim around the same time, with the latter rather than the former as the dominant partner. (47) However, the counter-argument is that authors writing in Arabic were unfamiliar with the Sahel and not interested in it and, therefore, sparse or contradictory textual evidence does not mean that a conquest did not take place or that the Saharan Almoravid empire did not exist. Moreover, the basic idea of a dichotomy between ‘white’ Almoravids and ‘black’ Sahelian Africans is very problematic given the high levels of marriage, concubinage and cooperation between the Sanhaja Berber tribes and the non-tribal peoples of the Sahel. (48) Yusuf b. Tashfin, for instance, is often described as having ‘black’ features. (49) The most recent summation of the debate traces the European imperial lineage of a conquest thesis based on the ‘white’ domination of ‘black’ peoples and reiterates the lack of hard evidence for an Almoravid conquest of Ghana. (50)

The nature of the Almoravid encounter with Ghana – conquest or partnership – and the ethnic and religious origins of those involved is impossible to determine in the absence of new sources. However, the Almoravids clearly achieved control of the salt trade and the gold flow north, their primary economic objective, and Islam did take root among the population of Ghana, their religious objective. Abu Bakr maintained Almoravid control of the Sahara at least in the vicinity of Azuggi, and the expansion of the Sanhaja eastwards appears to have been led by the Almoravid Masufa, a group with strong marriage and maternal connections to the Lamtuna, who migrated into the vast zone between Sijilmasa and Waraqlan, led quite possibly by Abu Bakr’s son, Yahya, known as al-Masufi due to his maternal lineage. (51) Cultural ties also existed between the Sahel and the Almoravid north. For instance, archaeological evidence from Gao-Sane, conquered or converted seven years after Ghana according to al-Zuhri, in the form of luxurious tomb stelae made of carved marble from an atelier in Almeria, show that these kings were certainly influenced by the Almoravids, if not adherents of the Almoravid movement or Berbers themselves.(52)

Footnotes:
45 Lagardere, Le djihad andalou, pp. 165–6.
46 Bosch Vila, Los Almoravides, pp. 99–102.
47 Conrad and Fisher, ‘The conquest that never was’.
48 Burkhalter, ‘Listening for silences in Almoravid history’.
49 Lagardere, Almoravides I, pp. 79–80; Messier, Almoravids, p. 55.
50 Masonen and Fisher, ‘The Almoravid conquest of Ghana’.
51 Burkhalter, ‘Listening for silences in Almoravid history’, pp. 108–9.
52 See de Moraes Farias, Arabic Medieval Inscriptions from the Republic of Mali; Hunwick, ‘Gao and the Almoravids’; Lange, ‘Les rois de Gao-Sane et les Almoravides’.

I have read that work already, the problem here, as with several past works is that it often fabricates things that are not in the sources.

For example: "The Arabic narrative, such as it is, posits that Abu Bakr b. ‘Umar returned to the Almoravids’ southern base or capital at Azuggi in modern Mauritania with a handful of Maliki jurists, including Abu Bakr Muhammad al-Muradi from Qayrawan, (45) to orchestrate the Almoravid advance south against the Soninke kingdom of Ghana"

What Arabic source states that he went to Azuggi to "orchestrate the Almoravid advance south against the Soninke kingdom of Ghana"? What actual source states this? I went over what the sources state here.

I will go into more detail about Ibn Abi Zar's motivations for some of his fabrications and alterations in that other thread on Ghana and the Almoravids that was started in the African history section of the forum, when I reply to some of the posts there, but for now it should be noted that not even Ibn Abi Zar makes such a claim.

As for "the Soninke kingdom of Ghana, which was successfully conquered around 1076–7 and subsequently collapsed".

The sources subsequent to 1076 or 1077, such as al-Idrisi and al-Sarakshi, show quite clearly that Ghana did not "collapse" at all. They were even in correspondence with the Almohads.. How can historians be talking about the "collapse" of Ghana when Ghana's power probably outlasted the Almoravids according to the sources we have available to us?

Then there's this: "However, the Almoravids clearly achieved control of the salt trade and the gold flow north, their primary economic objective"

What does "control of the gold flow" mean exactly? We have medieval Arabic sources stating that Takrur exported gold and that merchants from the Maghrib went to Takrur to obtain gold from there. Takrur was a west African state which was perhaps the earliest kingdom to convert to Islam in west Africa (going by al-Bakri's account in his work The Book of Routes and Realms), and soldiers from Takrur fought alongside the Almoravids (against the Gudala Berbers) at a very early period when Yahya ibn Umar, the emir of the Lamtuna and the brother of Abu Bakr ibn Umar, was still the leader of the Almoravids (Yahya ibn Umar died in that battle against the Gudala), and before the Almoravids had an actual empire. If later on the Maghrib was mostly under the control of the Almoravids for some period of time then such gold as was exported from Takrur (or other places in west Africa) to the Maghrib - as had been happening for centuries before the Almoravids even existed - would naturally have flowed to Almoravid controlled lands in the Maghrib. So what does gold flowing to north Africa from west Africa have to do with any supposed conquest of this or that west African state by the Almoravids, when gold was exported to the Maghrib even before the Almoravids existed and when the Almoravids had been in an alliance with a Muslim west African state even as far back as that early period when Yahya ibn Umar led them? Why would they need to conquer anyone to get access to gold after already allying with Takrur, which was a gold exporter?

Then this "and Islam did take root among the population of Ghana, their religious objective".

Al-Bakri, in The Book of Routes and Realms, indicates clearly that a substantial part of Ghana was Muslim already before 1068 - half of the capital was Muslim, and there were mosques, salaried imams, Islamic jurists, scholars, etc., most of the ministers were Muslim, and the predecessor of the then current non-Muslim king was renowned for his friendship towards and good treatment of the Muslims of Ghana. Al-Bakri states all of this clearly. This is all before any supposed battle or whatever is claimed to have occurred between the Almoravids and Ghana. Saying Islam "taking root among the population" of Ghana was due to the Almoravids makes no sense. Given how many Muslims were already there, conversion of the kings to Islam was probably only a matter of time.

Then this part: "For instance, archaeological evidence from Gao-Sane, conquered or converted seven years after Ghana according to al-Zuhri"

This is wrong and a complete misrepresentation of the text. Al-Zuhri absolutely does not say that Gao was "conquered or converted seven years after Ghana" or anything like that.

This is what al-Zuhri actually says in the text: "Near to Ghana at a distance of fifteen days' travelling there are two towns, of which one is called NSLA and the second Tadimakka [sic]. Between these two towns is a distance of nine days' travelling. The people of these two towns turned Muslim seven years after the people of Ghana turned Muslim." (Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, pp. 98-99).

"Tadimakka" is Tadmekkat, not Gao. And since al-Zuhri mentions Gao (as 'Kawkaw') elsewhere in his work, and nowhere links it with that unidentified town of "NSLA" or with anything else he is describing in that passage; this has nothing to do with Gao. Nowhere does al-Zuhri state anything like what the author writes there. There's no mention of any conquest or conversion of Gao. The author's memory failed them completely or they deliberately fabricated a claim.

Then this: "in the form of luxurious tomb stelae made of carved marble from an atelier in Almeria, show that these kings were certainly influenced by the Almoravids, if not adherents of the Almoravid movement or Berbers themselves."

The author cites Paulo F. de Moraes Farias, John Hunwick, and Dierk Lange but (with the possible exception of Hunwick, who seems to have put it forward as a speculative hypothesis, but did not make an assertion that this was really the case) these authors did not argue that these kings were "Berbers themselves"; in fact in his article "From Ghana and Mali to Songhay: The Mande Factor in Gao History" (an article, which, from start to finish, is mostly just speculation anyway as a number of his articles on Gao were) Lange argues against the idea that they were Berber. Paulo F. de Morias Farias wrote about early Gao, Islam in Gao, and about these tombstones imported from Spain recently, in his article "Islam in the West African Sahel" in the book Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara (2020) and nowhere does he state that the stelae show they were "adherents of the Almoravid movement" or "Berber themselves". In fact he emphasizes the specifically west African cultural aspects recorded on the tombstones in the fact that the stelae commemorate unmarried women who held a position as "queen" (not by virtue of being married to a king) at the same time that a king was ruling - a sort of paired rulership of a king and a queen from different dynasties/families found in other parts of west Africa.

In any case Hunwick's and Lange's articles on the Almoravids and Gao are literally mostly supposition and speculation, not works where they demonstrate that any of the speculative scenarios they propose are actually in the sources, or follow directly from the evidence available. None of the medieval Arabic written sources have anything about Gao or its kings being Berber in any way, or being subordinate to the Almoravids or anything like that. The whole notion actually seems quite bizarre when one reads what is actually written about Gao in those sources.
 
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@Ighayere,

You always seemed to me quite informed on these West African matters, and you raised here interesting questions and strong critics to Bennison's work, that most I don't know to answer, I don't even have enough knowledge about the theme to agree or disagree with you. I brought the quote because I thought that her position could clarify something, as that the question of conquest of Ghana was still an open question, but it seems that I was wrong, and that it brought even more questions and discussion to the theme.

I will only mention the following:

What Arabic source states that he went to Azuggi to "orchestrate the Almoravid advance south against the Soninke kingdom of Ghana"?

Since the author quoted there "Lagardere, Le djihad andalou, pp. 165–6.", I assumed that Lagardere mentions those Arabic sources. I don't have that particular book from Lagardere.

In any case Hunwick's and Lange's articles on the Almoravids and Gao are literally mostly supposition and speculation, not works where they demonstrate that any of the speculative scenarios they propose are actually in the sources, or follow directly from the evidence available. None of the medieval Arabic written sources have anything about Gao or its kings being Berber in any way, or being subordinate to the Almoravids or anything like that. The whole notion actually seems quite bizarre when one reads what is actually written about Gao in those sources.

Here about Lange, you are specifically adressing the article ‘Les rois de Gao-Sane et les Almoravides’?
 
Joined Jul 2012
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Benin City, Nigeria
Also I forgot to mention this in the post above, but Paulo F. de Moraes Farias in "Islam in the West African Sahel" (2020) also mentions a connection between Gao and the Caliphate of Cordoba. Moraes Farias points out that Al-Bakri stated in The Book of Routes and Realms that the kings of Gao were Muslim in his time (1068, when his work was composed) and al-Bakri implies that these kings had already recognized the Umayyad Caliph of Cordoba as the caliph ("Commander of the Faithful") of Islam in the past since al-Bakri states that when a new (Muslim) ruler of Gao was installed that new ruler was given a copy of the Qur'an, a signet ring, and a sword that had been sent to Gao in earlier times by the Caliph of Cordoba. From that source it follows that there was already some kind of connection between Gao and Muslim Spain before the Almoravids controlled any part of Spain so the supposition that using tomb stelae manufactured in Spain means that Gao was necessarily connected to Spain through the Almoravids is not correct; Gao may have had a connection with Muslim Spain not only before the Almoravids controlled any part of Spain but even before any Almoravid movement existed.
 

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